The unemployment rate for black male college graduates 25 and older in 2009 has been nearly twice that of white male college graduates — 8.4 percent compared with 4.4 percent.
Best Practices for Asking Questions about Sexual Orientation on Surveys
November 2009
SPECIAL REPORT: 50-State Survey Of Marriage Protection Amendments
UPDATED REPORT, November 2008
At this writing, 30 states have constitutional amendments banning same-sex marriage. Forty-one states have laws banning same-sex marriage either by statute or by amendment.
Five states (Massachusetts, Connecticut, Iowa, Vermont, New Hampshire) have legalized same-sex marriage.
Homosexuality laws in Muslim countries
Since the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran, the Iranian government has executed more than 4,000 people charged with homosexual acts.
World Publics Welcome Global Trade -- But Not Immigration
The 2007 Pew Global Attitudes Project: "Should homosexuality be accepted by society?"
LGBT rights by country or territory
State laws at time of 2003 Supreme Court decision
U.S. Supreme Court decision Lawrence v. Texas (2003) invalidated sodomy laws in the fifty states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico. At that time, the laws stood as follows:
The first cannonical correlation showed that high SBS and high IAH are correlated with adherence to traditional masculine values, not faking good, impulsivity, and social maladjustment.
PREVENTING CRIME:
WHAT WORKS, WHAT DOESN'T, WHAT'S PROMISING
Gender and the Career Choice Process: The Role of Biased Self‐Assessments
This article develops a supply‐side mechanism about how cultural beliefs about gender differentially influence the early career‐relevant decisions of men and women. Cultural beliefs about gender are argued to bias individuals' perceptions of their competence at various career‐relevant tasks, controlling for actual ability. To the extent that individuals then act on gender‐differentiated perceptions when making career decisions, cultural beliefs about gender channel men and women in substantially different career directions. The hypotheses are evaluated by considering how gendered beliefs about mathematics impact individuals' assessments of their own mathematical competence, which, in turn, leads to gender differences in decisions to persist on a path toward a career in science, math, or engineering.
When asked if they would hire these applicants, participants said they would hire 84 percent of the women without children, compared with only 47 percent of the mothers. In assigning a starting salary to the applicants, given a pay range appropriate for the job, participants offered non-mothers an average of $11,000 more than mothers.
"According to our theory, women who have children are held to a harsher performance standard than women who do not. We asked how many days the applicant could be late before they would not be seen as 'management material,' and the mothers were allowed significantly fewer days than non-mothers," said Correll, whose courses include the Sociology of Gender. She also is a faculty affiliate of Cornell's Center for the Study of Inequality.
Correll and Benard also studied perceptions of fatherhood in evaluations of male job candidates. Participants were given the same information in the resumes and memos and were asked the same questions, but men's names replaced women's on the applications.
"The question is, are mothers the ones who suffer a penalty, or is it parents?" Correll said. "We found fathers are in no way disadvantaged. And, on several measures they are actually advantaged, such as being seen as more committed to their jobs than non-fathers."
Participants offered applicants who were fathers an average of $6,000 more in salary than the non-fathers, and "fathers were allowed to be late more frequently. They were actually held to a more lenient standard than the non-fathers." Correll said.
V138.- I am going to name a number of organisations. For each one, could you tell me how much confidence you have in them: is it a great deal of confidence, quite a lot of confidence, not very much confidence or none at all? The government
Governments not self identified as democratic: Vatican City, Saudi Arabia, Myanmar and Brunei.
The Economist Intelligence Unit's index of democracy 2008
But the fertility drop caused by the Pill didn’t lead to a decrease in crime eighteen years later.
Key Crime & Justice Facts at a Glance
The National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) reports violent and property crime rates in 2008 were at or near their lowest levels in over three decades. Violent crimes are categorized as rape, sexual assault, robbery, aggravated assault, and simple assault. "Property crimes include household burglary, motor vehicle theft, and theft." Personal theft, including pocket picking and purse snatching are also included. The data is in concurrence with the Federal Bureau of Investigation's (FBI) Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) which also notes the continual downward trend in criminal activities over the same time period.
Actually, within groups graduating with particular academic majors, women earn less than men, as illustrated in the AAUW report cited above. And within occupational categories, women earn less than their male counterparts, as revealed in this chart.
Francine D. Blau, an economist at Cornell University, said, "Nothing happened to the pay gap from the mid-1950's to the late 70's. Then the 80's stood out as a period of sharp increase in women's pay. And it's much less impressive after that." In 2006, college-educated women between the ages of 36 and 45, earned 74.7 cents in hourly pay for every dollar that men in the same group did, according to the Labor Department. Only a decade earlier, women earned 75.7 cents for every dollar.
And after a 14-year period of decline, births among teenagers 15 to 19 rose 3 percent in 2006 from the year before.
Changing Patterns of Nonmarital Childbearing in the United States
Estimated Pregnancy Rates for the United States, 1990-2005: An Update (10/2009)
In studies conducted at Massachusetts General Hospital, Harvard Medical School and Massachusetts Institute of Technology researchers Itzhak Aharon, Nancy Etcoff, Dan Ariely, Christopher F. Chabris, Ethan O'Connor, and Hans C. Breiter have used magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) technology to look at the activity in men's brains when they were shown pictures of beautiful women's faces. Breiter and his colleagues found that the same part of the brain lights up as when a hungry person sees food, or a gambler eyes cash, or a drug addict sees a fix. Essentially, beauty and addiction trigger the same areas in the brain.
“There’s no doubt that the public perception is that things are getting worse, and that kids are having sex younger and are much wilder than they ever were,” said Kathleen A. Bogle, an assistant professor of sociology and criminal justice at La Salle University. “But when you look at the data, that’s not the case.”
Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System
Today, fewer than half of all high school students have had sex: 47.8 percent as of 2007, according to the National Youth Risk Behavior Survey, down from 54.1 percent in 1991.
We analyze the female-male gap in starting-salary offers for new college graduates using data from the annual surveys of the National Association of Colleges and Employers (NACE), unique (and proprietary) data that have not previously been used for this purpose. A major advantage of working with a data set on salaries for new college graduates is that we can remove the possible influence of gender differences in experience, promotions, job changes, and other factors on the salary gap. We find that as much as 95 percent of the overall gender gap in starting-salary offers can be explained by differences in college majors selected.
Perceptions of wage entitlement differ between women and men such that men are more likely to feel worthy of higher pay. Based on a combination of status-related theories and evidence from two studies of 120 undergraduate men, we examined men’s reactions to gendered threats to their task abilities. When told that women typically outperform men, men responded with elevated projections of their own competence without reducing their self-pay. These effects were not related to endorsements of masculinity ideology. Instead, exaggerated competence was related to individual men’s heightened legitimate entitlement, and resistant high self-pay was linked to narcissistic entitlement. These patterns demonstrate that what appears to be a gender-based phenomenon is explained more accurately by men’s internalized status beliefs.
The gender wage gap is among the most persistent and durable characteristics of labor markets and women's lives. Despite differences in focus, almost all studies of the gender wage gap focus on the adult labor market; however, almost every teenager in the United States works before adulthood. Therefore, an overwhelming majority of the population experiences the labor market, and possibly the gender wage gap, well beforehand. This article focuses on the early labor market experiences of youth and analyzes the gender differentials in earning in the youth labor market. The findings show there are no gender differences in wages for twelve- to thirteen-year-old youths. However, we see the emergence of the gender wage gap around fourteen, which widens with age. The wage differential in the early labor market is explained mostly by occupational factors such as types of jobs in which boys and girls are employed. In this way, the "cost of being a girl" still remains.
Previous work suggests that occupational sorting and differences in starting salary play a large role in race and gender wage gaps. This study uses unique data from the human resources department of a financial company to examine the role of occupational sorting in race and gender differences in initial salary offers. While this company exhibits large race and gender differences in salary offers, controlling for occupational differences accounts for all of the race effects and reduces the gender effect to substantive insignificance. These findings underscore the importance of occupational sorting mechanisms in creating race and gender differences in wages.
We assess the impact of the welfare state on cross-national variation in the gender wage gap. Earnings inequality between men and women is conceptualized as resulting from their different locations in the class hierarchy, combined with the severity of wage differentials between and within classes. This decomposition contributes to identifying the relevant dimensions of welfare states and testing their impact on women's relative earnings. Our empirical analysis is based on income and occupation-based indicators of class and utilizes microdata for 17 post-industrial societies. We find systematic differences between welfare regimes in the components of the gender gap. The evidence supports our claim that the state molds gender inequality in labor market attainments by influencing women's class positions and regulating class inequality.
The figure below, borrowed from U.S. News and World Report, shows that the wage gap between women and men, for nearly all age groups, has narrowed significantly between 1979 and 2008. It also shows that the wage gap is smallest for men and women aged 20-24, grows for men and women aged 25-34, grows even further for men and women aged 35-44, and remains steady after that.
Lempert, David (2007) "Women's Increasing Wage Penalties from Being Overweight and Obese"
This paper first utilizes annual surveys between the 1981 and 2000 waves of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth to estimate the effect of being overweight on hourly wages. Previous studies have shown that white women are the only race-gender group for which weight has a statistically significant effect on wages. This paper finds a statistically significant continual increase in the wage penalty for overweight and obese white women followed throughout two decades. A supporting analysis from a cross-sectional dataset, comprised of the 1987 National Medical Expenditure Survey and the 2000 and 2004 waves of the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey, also shows an increasing wage penalty. The bias against weight has increased, despite drastic increases in the rate of obesity in the United States. Alternatively, the increasing rarity of thinness has led to its rising premium.
Like so much about gender and the workplace, there are at least two ways to view these trends. One is that women, faced with most of the burden for taking care of families, are forced to choose jobs that pay less — or, in the case of stay-at-home mothers, nothing at all.
If the government offered day-care programs similar to those in other countries or men spent more time caring for family members, women would have greater opportunity to pursue whatever job they wanted, according to this view.
The other view is that women consider money a top priority less often than men do. Many may relish the chance to care for children or parents and prefer jobs, like those in the nonprofit sector, that offer more opportunity to influence other people’s lives.
Why aren’t they getting it? Michael Kimmel, author of Guyland and a leading writer on men and masculinity, sees the male psychology on orgasms as comparable to housework: “Men don’t pull their weight on either front because no one makes them.” But he also sees sexual asymmetry as an impoverished view of sex. “The grown-up version [of sex] is certainly not thinking about giving oral sex as akin to some kind of community service, but that it gives me pleasure to give you pleasure. I know that’s certainly true for me personally.”
The research doesn’t bode well for the late-night booty text, one-night stand, or random fornication in the fraternity house as pathways to an orgasm. In the one-on-one interviews included in the study, one man explained that with his girlfriend, “definitely oral is really important [for her to orgasm],” but that with a casual hookup, “I don’t give a shit.”
